London, 8 February 1951
Participation of France and the Netherlands in the Colombo Plan
We have been asked to convey to the United Kingdom authorities the following views on the agenda item ‘Participation of non-Commonwealth countries outside the region, etc.’
While we support and would be prepared, if necessary, to vote for participation by the French and Netherlands Governments, we would be reluctant to see the issue openly debated and the question put to a divided vote at the forthcoming meeting. Such a course, in our view, might well seriously prejudice the chances of securing unanimity either immediately or ultimately for such participation.
We think that the prime consideration is to secure the participation first of non-Commonwealth countries in the region and that any action which might influence them adversely in making their decisions regarding participation should be avoided. Such decisions by these countries should be made prior to any consideration being given formally to participation by the French and Netherlands Governments. We also think that invitations to join in the Colombo Plan should come from all participating countries—Commonwealth and non-Commonwealth—in the region as defined by the Commonwealth Consultative Committee report of October, 1950.1 In other words, although we support participation by both the French and Netherlands Governments, we consider that it Is premature and impolitic to try to deal with the question conclusively at this stage should any strong objection be forthcoming from any Asian country. Should it be agreed, for example, by the present participants that France and the Netherlands be included, and should such a decision have the effect of keeping out Burma or Indonesia or Thailand, we should be left with a plan preponderantly for Commonwealth-Asian and ‘Western’ Governments, which was not and is not the intention of the Plan.
Our information is that some South-East Asian countries will react unfavourably at this stage to the idea of Netherlands and French participation. Furthermore, we believe that pressure for their participation would provide ammunition for Communist propaganda (e.g. comments on a ‘new form of Colonialism’) against the Plan. We think the French and Netherlands Governments will understand these arguments and that they should be able, knowing that the United Kingdom, Australia and other participating Governments favour their being included, to see the wisdom of having the question handled in the way we decided among ourselves and not to put on such pressure that the matter must be discussed and decided immediately or in the near future by a vote in open session.
Our view is that should private discussions with both Commonwealth and non-Commonwealth Governments at the Colombo meeting confirm the opinion that an open debate on this subject would result in a sharp division of views and prejudice the chances of securing the participation of some South-East Asian Governments, the item should not be debated. By agreement reached prior to the meeting, it would be deferred until a later meeting on the grounds that it should be considered at Ministerial level. What we would hope is that, after the Asian Governments have come in and begun to feel the value of full participation, we could persuade them that there was no disadvantage in inviting further potential contributors on a basis of full equality.
We have ourselves told the French that we will support an invitation to them but that it is difficult to decide now what would be the most appropriate time for them to begin participation. We mentioned the desirability of ensuring first that there will be a programme accepted by the Governments of the areas as a whole before inviting new contributors to participate. We have not as yet informed the Dutch of our attitude.
We should appreciate very much early United Kingdom comments on the foregoing.
[NAA: A3320, 3/4/2/1 part 4]
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See Document 114. ↩