Kuala Lumpur, 4 June 1965
1296. Secret Priority
I am sending reports by bag on the parliamentary debate on the King’s speech,1 together with an assessment of the state of relations between Singapore and Kuala Lumpur.
2. The main points that have emerged are:—
(a) The PAP has issued a major political challenge which has been accepted by the Alliance.
(b) Lee, in effect, charged the government with working towards the extinction of democratic rights in the interests of Malay domination and threatened at least indirectly to encourage other states to seek with him ‘alternative arrangements’.
(c) Nature of Lee’s charges and vigour of the debate which ensued have necessarily widened the gulf between the PAP and the Alliance, and there seems no early prospect of bridging it. They must also have given encouragement to Djakarta and could weaken international confidence in Malaysia.
(d) On the other hand, some of Lee’s alleged fears were refuted and there was an affirmation that the Central Government would uphold the constitution and pursue the objective of creating a multi-racial democratic nation.
(e) While Malaysian Ministers accept that Lee’s objective is to overthrow the Alliance, they take seriously the possibility that he could settle for disengagement and even for the partitioning of Malaysia. Lee’s indirect reference to partition, published in the midst of the debate, has probably harmed his cases.2 According to one MCA member, there was a sense of shock even at grass roots.
(f) Alliance feeling is now strongly against any form of disengagement and there is no mood to back away and to give in to Lee for the sake of peace. Alliance Ministers believe there has to be a continuing political fight and that any form of reconciliation with Lee (though not necessarily the PAP) is out of the question.
(g) Alliance leaders are confident that they can handle the situation without outside interference.
(h) Razak has warned Lee in the House that if communal trouble were to break out, Lee would be held responsible. There is, however, in my opinion, no question of Lee being arrested at present.
3. Head is gravely disturbed by rumours which are circulating in Singapore that the British support Lee and favour partitioning Malaysia. He will reassure the Tunku and is under instructions to tell Lee firmly that his associates in the British Government are greatly disappointed with him and are opposed to the course he is following.
4. Lee’s attitude privately is to welcome such reassurances as he has been given in Parliament. He has been showing a special interest in discussing the amount of heat he has been generating and claims to favour a relaxation of pressures. He alleges that provided there is the firm agreement to proceed with the common market and that non-communal objectives are maintained, he would be prepared to ease political tensions and withdraw from challenging the Alliance at the 1969 elections. However, such a compromise now seems remote and a continued acrimonious political fight seems inevitable. It is the intention, for example, of the Malaysian Solidarity Convention to carry on the fight through a campaign of public rallies, the first of which is to be held in Singapore on Sunday.3 My main concern is that encouragement has been given to the communalists of all races and that the co-operation between Singapore and Kuala Lumpur so badly needed in Malaysia is farther away than ever.
5. I shall be seeing Lee later today and will continue to urge restraint but with no hope of success.
[NAA: A1838, 3027/2/1 part 22]
1 The King, as the constitutional Head of State, had read the government’s statement of policy in Parliament on 25 May. The statement had warned of twin threats facing Malaysia—from Indonesia and ‘from within’. It also stated that ‘If those concerned achieve their objective, it will mean chaos for us and an end to democracy’. Lee’s interpretation of the implications of these statements resulted in the House of Representatives over the following days becoming embroiled in acrimonious debate.
2 Lee had implied the possibility of partition in a public speech in Singapore on 30 May. He had said that ‘alternative arrangements’ to the current Federation could be a grouping of those states that wanted a Malaysian Malaysia, namely Singapore, Sarawak and Sabah, Penang, Malacca, and possibly Johore. (The other states nominated in the possible grouping immediately disassociated themselves from Lee’s proposal.)
3 The first public meeting of the Convention (see footnote 4, Document 268) was planned to take place in the National Theatre in Singapore on 6 June.